Progressively like that of the growing modernization of most psychological studies, from theorizing that motivated empirical investigations (Carey 2006). Earlier analyses and studies of the transmission of Holocaust trauma across generations from parents to their children have distinguished between ‘ direct and specific’ transmission, or a ‘ mental syndrome in the survivor parent leads directly to the same specific syndrome in the child’ (ibid, p. 104), and ‘ indirect and general’ transmission, or ‘ a disorder in the parent makes the parent unable to function as a parent which indirectly leads to a general sense of deprivation in the child’ (Carey 2006, 104).
Although such a distinction appears to be reasonable, it confounds features of the transmission process, which are roughly ‘ conscious and unconscious’ ’ , ‘ manifest and tacit’ , and ‘ overt and covert’ (Cohen, Brom & Dasberg 2001, 3). It also falls short in conclusively differentiating the believed source of the transmission from the believed outcome of the transmission. Evidently, there is no agreement as to how to identify the discipline, some confining it to its practical definition while others add possible clarifications of its believed source. Kellerman (1999) asks, what was passed on from the survivor parents of the Holocaust to their offspring?
What are the signs of distress, if any, that can be seen in survivors’ offspring? A usual theory in the medical literature was that a transmission of ‘ secondary posttraumatic stress disorder’ is occurring, according to Williams-Keeler et al. 1998, indicating that because numerous survivors of the Holocaust experience PTSD, their progeny will also experience an illness of similar magnitudes with reduced percentages. When clearly relating about the Holocaust, according to Hassan (2003), the descendants appeared to be explicitly distressed by the survivor parents’ terrible experiences, even though they themselves do not have a personal experience of it.
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